As junta falters, Myanmar’s communists look to make a comeback

When La Yaung, 22, joined anti-coup protests in early 2021, he never imagined that it would lead to him becoming a member of Myanmar’s newly revived communist army. At the time, he was working in Mandalay as a distribution agent for Myanmar Beer, a product manufactured by a military-owned conglomerate. But after witnessing the junta’s brutal assault on his fellow protesters, he decided to join the armed resistance movement. With the help of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions, he made his way to Laiza, a town on Kachin State’s border with China where the headquarters of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) is located. But the military training he received did not come from the KIA—it was provided by the People's Liberation Army (PLA), the armed wing of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB), whose members were a mix of workers, farmers, and students. “When I first arrived there, I was a little worried because I didn’t know anything about weapons. But we all got through the training, and everyone had a good stance, so I was quite encouraged,” he recalled. He explained that during their three months of intensive training, new recruits were not only taught how to fight in the battlefield, but also how to understand Myanmar’s political situation. “Our army is led by the Party, so many political concepts were also taught. The focus is on the liberation of oppressed workers, farmers, and the people of the grassroots. Eradication of the ‘three military affiliates’ is also important in our policy,” he said. The “three military affiliates” refers to the military council that seized power three years ago, others in the military supporting the regime, and the broader bureaucracy built up under decades of military rule in Myanmar. The PLA is fighting to root out all three and establish a people's democracy, La Yaung explained. Residents of Aung Tharyar, a village in Sagaing’s Ye-U Township, welcome PLA troops following their return from a battle alongside allied resistance forces on November 24, 2023 (PLA) The CPB reborn The CPB played a leading role in Myanmar’s struggle against British colonial rule. Founded in 1939, it was led by General Aung San, the father of Aung San Suu Kyi, who would go on to lead the pro-democracy movement that emerged from the nationwide uprising against military rule in 1988. In March 1948, just months after Myanmar (then called Burma) achieved independence, the CPB took up arms again over ideological differences within the then-ruling Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL). The AFPFL originated from the Anti-Fascist Organisation (AFO), which was established by the CPB, the Burma National Army, and the socialist People’s Revolutionary Party in August 1944 to resist Japan’s wartime occupation of Burma. In 1945, the AFO became a political party, the AFPFL. After breaking away from mainstream politics, the CPB became the largest armed group fighting Myanmar’s military, a status it held until 1988, when it reached a major turning point. As the military was confronting massive protests with savage crackdowns, the CPB was also dealing with a crisis of its own. Its ethnic Wa and Kokang troops, who formed the bulk of its fighting force, were turning against the party’s predominantly Bamar leadership. Finally, in 1989, they cut their ties to the party, forcing its leaders into exile in China. Then, after more than three decades, it came back to life. In 2021, as the nation was once again facing massive unrest, the CPB formed the PLA and was ready to join the armed resistance movement against the newly installed regime. But according to PLA spokesperson Tin Nwe Oo, the CPB had been planning to rebuild its military arm for some time before the start of the Spring Revolution, as the new movement came to be called. “Since before the Spring Revolution, we have tried to re-establish an armed force. But it was delayed for various reasons. But we could establish it during the Spring Revolution,” she said.In March 2021, the PLA troops began receiving military training from the KIA. Later with the help of the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), an ethnic Kokang armed group, it was able to equip itself with weapons. “Our force comprises oppressed farmers, workers, members of the urban grassroots, students, and former civil servants. We aim to achieve the common cause of liberating all people, including the middle-class,” remarked Tin Nwe Oo. Graduates of a training course for members of the MNDAA’s Ethnic Nationalities' Brigade 611 attend a ceremony and receive their weapons (The Kokang) The PLA and its allies The PLA is active in four designated military regions: Military Region 1 in Sagaing Region; Military Region 8 in Tanintharyi Region; Military Region 2 in the Ta’ang area; and Military Region 9 in the Kokang area. In the Kokang area, under the leadership of the Brotherhood Alliance—consisting of the MNDAA, the Ta’ang National Liberation Army, and the Arakan Army—it formed the Ethnic Nationalities’ Brigade 611, which has participated in Operation 1027, the offensive launched by the alliance late last October. The PLA saw a rapid influx of new recruits as young people around the country mobilised to join the fight against the military. However, not all of them could be provided with weapons, said Tin Nwe Oo. “We are fighting against a common enemy, so there are many people who want to join our group. If only we could arm all those people, our strength could swell to tens of thousands at any given moment,” she said. Having a shared mission has helped to overcome the wariness that some feel about associating with communists, she acknowledged. It has also enabled the PLA to forge new alliances. “There are some who don’t identify themselves as PLA members, but they have the same stance as us, committed to fighting for the liberation of all oppressed people with the spirit of the PLA,” she explained. One of the groups aligned with the PLA is the Magway-based People’s Democratic Army (PDA), whose leader, Min Htet Oo, said that they shared the same convictions as the PLA. “The alliance with the PLA is like combining two groups into one. We have sent some troops into the PLA. Their fighters were also sent to the PDA. I am also from the student union,” he said. Another ally is the Bamar People’s Liberation Army (BPLA), led by human rights activist and poet Maung Saungkha, which has also taken part in Operation 1027. “The PLA is fighting for the benefit of the oppressed people and the BPLA is also fighting for the oppressed people and liberation. The enemy we are fighting is the same. The young people who participated in the struggle are the same as us,” said Maung Saungkha. PLA troops who collaborated with the Brotherhood Alliance to capture Hsenwi pose in front of the town’s General Administration Office on October 29, 2023 The ‘threat’ of communism The armed resistance struggle is largely coordinated by the shadow National Unity Government (NUG). While the PLA is not under the direct command of the NUG’s Ministry of Defence (MOD), it does operate within its command structure. But this hasn’t prevented problems from sometimes arising. In December of last year, for instance, the PLA reported that its troops stationed in the eastern part of Sagaing Region’s Shwebo Township had been obstructed by NUG-led forces as they attempted to traverse the southeastern part of the township. As Tin Nwe Oo makes clear, the PLA is at pains to reassure its allies that its goals are the same as theirs. “Our army does not operate under the MOD, but we share common enemies, so we are united in our fight. While no official statement has been issued, there is an understanding that we will support and fight alongside each other,” she explained. In the event of the collapse of the military dictatorship, all parties, including not only the ethnic armed groups but also the NUG and local defence forces, will collectively determine the disarmament process in alignment with the will of the people, she added. “We cannot say whether our army will continue after the success of the revolution. We will look at the political situation and proceed based on everyone’s wishes.” Myanmar’s military often spread anti-communist propaganda in the past, resulting in distrust of the CPB and its ideology among many in Myanmar. In 1988, the generals who seized power even claimed that the party was behind the uprising against their rule. If anything, that claim may have bolstered the CPB’s standing among the general public. However, with the collapse of the party, its leading role in opposing military rule has been largely forgotten. But now that the CPB is part of the current struggle, it could once again become an important part of Myanmar’s post-dictatorship future, according to one politician who asked not to be named. “There could be more political confusion. When the country is transitioning to a democratic system again, the Communist Party is likely to be re-established and then re-enter politics,” he said. PLA troops occupy a junta checkpoint between Hsenwi and Lashio on November 12 (PLA) If so, the party will likely try to build support based on its ties to labour and students’ groups and its current efforts to help overthrow a hated regime.According to La Yaung, the former beer distributor turned communist fighter, the people of Myanmar can now see that the CPB is not the nefarious force that it was once portrayed to be. “In the past, the military suppressed information about us. Now, because of our actions, the public has come to understand us quite well. They can see for themselves that communism is not what it has been made out to be,” he said.

As junta falters, Myanmar’s communists look to make a comeback

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