‘Treat Them as Humans’: Inside Myanmar’s resistance POW prisons

They expected torture, starvation—perhaps even death. Instead, the newly arrested prisoners of war sit, well-fed and unharmed, in a place that should feel like captivity, but doesn’t. “They thought we would treat them as they treated us,” Salai William Chin, the general secretary of the Chin Brotherhood, told Myanmar Now. “But even if they killed our families, our brothers and sisters, we treat them like human beings.” According to the Chin Brotherhood—a powerful alliance of ethnic armed organisations based in Chin State—there has been a noticeable spike in the number of POWs in the state in recent months, as Myanmar’s military finds itself increasingly on the back foot four years after seizing power. But as in other areas around the country controlled by an array of armed groups, including many affiliated with the National Unity Government (NUG), this influx of detainees has come with many challenges. Amid mounting defeats, thousands of regime soldiers have been captured, forcing resistance groups to grapple with the complexities of handling prisoners of war. While some, like the Chin Brotherhood, say they are committed to adhering to the Geneva Conventions, others have been accused of serious abuses, including extrajudicial killings. Images of POWs taken at Prison No.1 Military Detention Centre, a large complex in an undisclosed location under NUG's control (Photo: NUG) In one case that has recently come to light, Arakan Army fighters in Rakhine State are seen in a video that began circulating online late last year summarily executing junta troops. The group has admitted to the killings, which have drawn international scrutiny and prompted calls for war crimes investigations. As the resistance movement gains ground, its treatment of POWs is emerging as a crucial test of its legitimacy—and its commitment to justice. In interviews with Myanmar Now, anti-regime groups say they are doing their best to handle the situation, despite receiving little support from the NUG or international organisations. Forced to rely on their own resources, groups like the Chin Brotherhood have turned to crowd-sourced contributions, often coming from the Myanmar diaspora, to ensure that POWs are treated humanely as part of their overarching goal of defeating the junta not only militarily, but also morally. That effort begins with the prisoners themselves, according to Salai William Chin. “We try to change their minds through counselling. Many of them have been misled by their leaders, who tell them that surrender means certain death—that they have no choice but to fight. That’s the propaganda they’ve been fed. But once they see how we actually treat them, many change their perspective.” Dwindling junta forces A newly detained prisoner at a jailhouse in Karenni State (Charles Rosser / Myanmar Now) Myanmar’s military has long ruled over much of the country as an occupying power, relying on a vast network of remote outposts to maintain its control over what it regards as enemy territory. According to NUG data, resistance forces overran 741 of these outposts in 2024 alone, with more falling each week. The NUG claims that since the coup, the resistance has seized 173 key military bases, including two Regional Military Commands, one Regional Operations Command, and multiple tactical, artillery, air, and border guard positions. Of the junta’s strategic attack forces—comprising 10 Military Divisions, 17 Regional Operations Commands, and three brigades—101 battalions have been destroyed, while 142 are severely weakened. In response to these losses, the junta launched a conscription drive last year that has largely failed, with new recruits frequently defecting, surrendering with weapons, or deserting in large numbers. As the regime’s troop strength steadily diminishes, the resistance is facing a growing challenge of its own—dealing with the legions of defeated junta soldiers now under their control. For the NUG, which oversees a sprawling network of People’s Defence Force (PDF) groups operating in conflict zones around the country, this problem is especially pressing. Keen to distinguish itself from the regime that it seeks to replace, it has taken pains to ban practices that are hallmarks of the junta’s treatment of prisoners, including torture and extrajudicial executions. “The NUG Ministry of Defence is addressing prisoners of war in line with established policies, ensuring humane treatment and adherence to human dignity,” Nay Phone Latt, the spokesperson for the NUG, told Myanmar Now. This includes maintaining secure detention centres, providing medical care to prisoners, notifying their families, and documenting the status of POWs, he said. He added that resistance leaders are instructed on how best to train their troops so that their behaviour is in line with human rights principles and international law. These principles are all laid out in a policy manual released by the NUG in November 2021, he said, noting that detention centre commanders make regular use of this manual when dealing with issues related to POWs. One such issue is addressing alleged abuses by captured soldiers, many of whom stand accused of the very crimes that the NUG seeks to avoid. In these cases, efforts are made to guarantee that due process is followed before any punitive action is taken. “Investigations are carried out to determine any involvement in war crimes, human rights abuses, or other offences, with appropriate legal measures taken as needed,” said Nay Phone Latt. ‘My smile brings them strength’ Adjutant General Min Thar, who is tasked with overseeing POWs, reveals a newly built detention centre in Karenni State (Photo: Facebook) While groups fighting the regime aim to set an example of humane treatment for captured enemy soldiers, they often find that it’s easier said than done. The biggest problem facing those determined to treat prisoners decently is the lack of financial and other support, according to Adjutant General Min Thar, who runs a detention centre for junta troops captured by the Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF), a resistance group that controls much of Karenni (Kayah) State. Everything from finding adequate accommodation to providing food and ensuring the security of prisoners is difficult with the limited funds available, he explained. Due to the lack of donations, KNDF soldiers often have to share their already scarce rations. Keeping them safe is also a struggle, he added. “While efforts are made to house them in secure locations, these areas remain vulnerable to airstrikes,” said Min Thar, adding that these problems have eased somewhat since last year, when Karenni State’s Interim Executive Council, the local governing body of the state, began providing funding to manage POWs. “Before 2024, conditions were even more challenging, with the greatest difficulty being ensuring their safety and providing adequate provisions. Although the situation is now better, there are still pressing needs.” Despite these challenges, Min Thar said that his commitment to treating prisoners with dignity remains unchanged. “Our top priority is their well-being, building trust through kindness, and assuring them they will return home when the time is right,” he said. “To keep their morale high, we encourage activities like singing, dancing, reading, and sports, including volleyball and chinlone [caneball]. We also organise competitions in these activities to foster a sense of community.” Healthcare is also a focus of the KNDF’s efforts to establish a humane system for handling POWs, according to Min Thar. Injured or ill prisoners receive treatment at clinics or hospitals, with medical costs covered by the KNDF or, in some cases, by the hospitals themselves. Other prisoners receive monthly check-ups, and medical staff provide treatment as needed, he added. A mail system allows around 40-50 inmates at one of Karenni State’s largest resistance prisons to stay in touch with family. Families within the state can visit, while those outside can send food and money. A voice message system is in place, with plans to introduce video calls. “They look forward to seeing and talking to us, and I feel proud knowing that my smile brings them strength,” said Min Thar. “I treat them with kindness and respect, ensuring they truly feel it. If any staff member fails to uphold humanitarian standards, I intervene and give them a warning. Our approach to supervising the prisoners is a balance of 50 percent encouragement to keep them happy and 50 percent enforcing rules to maintain discipline.” Torture and executions A screenshot taken from a video of Arakan Army troops executing regime prisoners of war (Photo: Fortify Rights) In some other resistance-held territories, however, a starkly different reality exists. On December 25, 2024, a disturbing video surfaced online depicting members of the Arakan Army (AA) torturing and executing two detainees, presumed to be Myanmar junta soldiers. The footage shows both uniformed soldiers and plain-clothed individuals cutting the throats of the captives beside a shallow pit. Speaking to Myanmar Now shortly after the video went viral, AA spokesperson Khaing Thuka confirmed that the perpetrators of the crime were members of the group, but asserted that senior AA officials did not sanction the incident. “This happened because our local militia members couldn’t control their anger when they captured Myanmar soldiers who had unjustly arrested, tortured, and killed AA members’ families, leading them to violate military discipline in an act of revenge,” he said. “So, we have identified and disciplined all involved, including some junior commanders.” The release of the execution video has prompted Fortify Rights, an international human rights group, to call upon the International Criminal Court to investigate the incident as a potential war crime. Ejaz Min Khant, a human rights associate at Fortify Rights, emphasised the need for full accountability for crimes committed by all sides in Myanmar’s ongoing conflict, especially in the wake of Operation 1027, an anti-junta offensive that has delivered a devastating blow to the regime since it was launched in late 2023. “Prisoners of war have been captured by resistance forces throughout the conflict in Myanmar, but since the success of Operation 1027, the number of POWs has significantly increased, especially in Karenni, Kachin, and Rakhine states,” he told Myanmar Now. He added that during a visit to Karenni State last year, the director of Fortify Rights observed humane treatment of POWs by the KNDF. Other ethnic armed groups have also demonstrated similar compliance with international law, he noted. However, reports of extrajudicial killings continue to emerge on occasion, often backed by leaked videos. Such acts violate the Geneva Conventions, which prohibit murder, torture, and cruel treatment of POWs. Some groups claim to take action, but details on accountability remain scarce. In the case of the latest incident in Rakhine State—others have been reported in the state’s Maungdaw, Buthidaung, and Kyauktaw townships—Ejaz Min Khant said that the AA’s claims lacked credibility. Based on the execution video, he said, it appears that the perpetrators were carrying out orders. This made it absolutely necessary to hold leaders accountable. “Without such action, the impunity long enjoyed by the junta—and even during the democratic government of Aung San Suu Kyi—will persist, this time within the resistance movement. This unchecked impunity not only risks undermining public trust but also jeopardizes the moral foundation of Myanmar’s revolution.” ‘What are we fighting for?’ Members of the NUG-led People’s Defense Force often hold activities to raise the spirits of captured junta troops, such as playing sports and singing (Photo: NUG) In some areas, the difficulty of detaining so many prisoners has led to a different approach—releasing those who want to go home. “With the growing number of captives taken in battles, we let them decide where they want to go and what they want to do before ensuring their safe transport,” said Padoh K’Ler Say, spokesperson for the Karen National Union (KNU), Myanmar’s oldest ethnic armed organisation, and one of its most powerful. Based in southeastern Myanmar’s Karen (Kayin) State, the KNU has played a key role in supporting the armed resistance movement against the return of military rule in Myanmar. It hosted many who fled the newly installed regime’s brutal crackdowns, and trained many others who decided to take up arms against the junta. Now it finds itself trying to decide what to do with a new set of “guests,” giving them a number of options that include living alongside their captors, joining the resistance, or leaving altogether. Whatever their choice, the KNU is committed to treating them properly, according to Padoh K’Ler Say. Meanwhile, back in Chin State, Salai William Chin of the Chin Brotherhood says he knows the war is far from over, but remains steadfast in his belief that the resistance has already won a major victory by recognising the rights of those fighting for the enemy.“If we become like them, then what are we fighting for?” A group of junta soldiers is taken captive shortly after a battle in Chin State in 2024 (Photo: Chin Brotherhood)

‘Treat Them as Humans’: Inside Myanmar’s resistance POW prisons

With little international support, Myanmar’s resistance struggles to balance humane treatment with the realities of war

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