After 100 days of ‘civilian’ rule, Myanmar remains a bastion of oppression

The knock came after dark. Soldiers and local ward officials stood outside a family’s home in Mandalay carrying household registration records. Moving room to room, they compared the names on the official list with the people actually sleeping inside, marking who belonged there—and who did not. “They checked our household registration list and marked down who was living there and who wasn’t,” one Mandalay resident told Myanmar Now. For many in Myanmar, the nighttime inspections have become an enduring symbol of military rule. And months after Min Aung Hlaing retired from his role as commander-in-chief of the armed forces to make himself president, few see any real change in those familiar rituals of surveillance and control. When Min Aung Hlaing was sworn in as Myanmar’s “civilian” president on April 10, this transition was presented as a new chapter in the country’s political history. Standing before the Union Parliament in Naypyitaw, the leader of the coup regime that seized power more than five years ago declared that the journey toward what he called a “disciplined multi-party democracy” was back on track and that he would continue building a federal union. Ten days later, his administration unveiled a 100-day program focused on security, economic development, education, and public services, portraying the shift from military to civilian rule as the beginning of a more stable era. But for many residents, the most visible features of military rule have survived the change in titles at the top. The household inspections are part of Myanmar’s overnight guest registration system, a hallmark of previous military regimes. Suspended from 2016 to 2020, under the civilian administration then in power, it was reinstated soon after the February 2021 coup. Households once again must report overnight visitors to local authorities, while soldiers and administrators conduct surprise inspections to enforce the rule. Residents say the consequences can be severe. The Mandalay woman said young people found staying in homes without being registered as overnight guests have later been detained and forcibly recruited into the military. Similar accounts have surfaced elsewhere, where residents describe guest registration checks evolving into opportunities for arbitrary arrests and conscription. The military’s compulsory service law, introduced after the coup, remains one of the junta’s most feared policies. Young people between the ages of 18 and 35 continue to cross borders through informal routes to avoid military service. Those unable to leave say they live with the constant fear of being seized despite having committed no crime. In Yangon, Mandalay, and other cities, residents accuse soldiers and pro-military militias of carrying out forced recruitment without following even the regime’s own legal procedures. A quiet moment in front of Yangon City Hall, where residents relax amid uncertainty over the country’s future (Photo: Myanmar Now) Travel also remains tightly controlled. Residents of Naypyitaw say some checkpoints have disappeared since Min Aung Hlaing assumed the presidency, but security forces continue monitoring movement into and out of the junta’s capital. Travellers describe being ordered to produce identity cards, surrender mobile phones for inspection, and answer questions about suspected ties to resistance groups. During periods of intensified fighting, they say, inspections become even more restrictive, and some people detained at checkpoints have reportedly been forced into military service. The junta’s approach to dissent has also shown little sign of easing. During a parliamentary session on June 18, Deputy Home Affairs Minister Maj.-Gen. Min Thu said authorities monitored internet activity around the clock and reported that more than 1,800 people had been prosecuted between January and May this year under terror-related charges and Section 505a of the Penal Code, which deals with sedition. According to the minister, the cases involved allegations ranging from spreading false news and inciting violence to promoting ethnic hatred and damaging the country’s reputation online. He also said a committee established under Min Aung Hlaing was coordinating efforts to investigate a range of online offences. The crackdown has extended well beyond prominent political activists. In April, soldiers arrested veteran writer Tin Nyunt and his son. Before the coup, Tin Nyunt had written books critical of senior military leaders. On June 4, police arrested a 68-year-old woman in Bago after she posted a sarcastic Facebook comment beneath a news report announcing the appointment of Deputy Immigration Minister Khaing Khaing Soe as the presidential spokesperson. Access to independent information also remains tightly restricted. Since Min Aung Hlaing became president, three media outlets have lost their publishing licenses. Eighteen journalists arrested since the 2021 coup, including Myanmar Now photojournalist Sai Zaw Thaike, remain imprisoned. In military-controlled areas, residents can access Facebook and other blocked platforms only through virtual private networks, or VPNs, which the regime continues to target in an effort to tighten its control over the flow of information. Many people had hoped the transition to a nominally civilian administration would bring at least modest changes. A former political prisoner in Yangon said those expectations have largely disappeared. He noted that Aung San Suu Kyi and many ministers elected in the 2020 general election remain imprisoned. Although some wards held elections for local administrators in June, he said military-backed groups dominated the process, leaving little room for meaningful public participation. The right to protest has also failed to return. Peaceful demonstrations, once protected under the law before the coup, continue to be suppressed. Even symbolic gestures can carry consequences. Last month, authorities detained a former National League for Democracy lawmaker after he posted on social media about offering alms to Buddhist monks in honour of Aung San Suu Kyi’s 81st birthday. A bouquet of roses displayed on Aung San Suu Kyi’s 81st birthday in silent protest against her continued detention (Photo: General Strike Coordination Body / Facebook) While many observers watch for signs of a return to the norms of civilian rule, the regime has its own measures of success, defined in terms of progress in its own self-appointed goals. Presidential spokesperson Khaing Khaing Soe said ministries had completed between 60 and 70 percent of the projects outlined in the administration’s first 100-day program. Improvements to Myanmar Railways were highlighted as one of its most significant achievements. For many people living under military rule, however, infrastructure projects are overshadowed by the restrictions that continue to shape daily life. They still report overnight guests. They still think twice before travelling after dark. They still worry that a routine checkpoint, a Facebook comment, or a late-night knock on the door could suddenly change their lives. The military may now wield power through a civilian presidency, but for many of those living under it, not much has changed: The system beneath the new title feels much the same as before.

After 100 days of ‘civilian’ rule, Myanmar remains a bastion of oppression

Basic rights remain non-existent in the country, despite the junta’s efforts to rebrand itself as an elected, civilian government

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