Myanmar junta plays Suu Kyi card, in return to old playbook

The faint glow on her face remains visible even now. In a rare photograph released by Myanmar’s military on Thursday, Aung San Suu Kyi—the 80-year-old leader of the government that it overthrew in a coup five years ago—still possesses some of her former radiance, even after all these years of isolation. The image, and the timing of its appearance, are clearly part of a calculated move on the part of the regime. Now rebranded as a civilian administration, the regime of Min Aung Hlaing—the coup leader who recently made himself “president”—published the photo along with news that Suu Kyi had been transferred from prison in Naypyitaw to a “designated” residence on humanitarian grounds. But her actual whereabouts remain unknown. It would be misleading to describe her situation as house arrest. She has not been returned to any known residence, according to sources. Her Naypyitaw home was reportedly damaged in last year’s earthquake, while her Yangon residence on University Avenue remains tied up in a legal dispute with her brother, Aung San Oo—a case that could conveniently prevent her return. In effect, Suu Kyi remains incommunicado: her location undisclosed, her freedom tightly controlled. The release of the photo, which is not dated, comes amid a campaign by Suu Kyi’s son, Kim Aris, demanding that the military provide proof that she is still alive. More broadly, the move fits a familiar pattern. For decades, Myanmar’s military has relied on selective gestures involving Suu Kyi to ease international pressure while maintaining firm control at home. After staging an election widely dismissed as a sham, the junta is redoubling its efforts to win legitimacy in the eyes of the rest of the world, and Suu Kyi is, once again, key to this PR exercise. Working from the playbook of previous regimes, Min Aung Hlaing seems intent on softening his image, even as he continues to commit war crimes across the country, detain tens of thousands of political prisoners, and restrict the basic civil liberties of all citizens. Unlike his predecessors, however, Min Aung Hlaing also has a new trump card to play. This week, DCI Group, the Republican-linked lobbying firm that the junta hired last year to mend ties with Washington, added Roger Stone, a long-time ally of President Donald Trump, to its payroll, paying him $50,000 a month to “promote engagement on trade, natural resources, and humanitarian cooperation.” Such efforts are aimed squarely at normalising relations with the West, at a time when regional neighbours such as Thailand are also leaning into a more conciliatory approach to the regime. But while some countries contemplate a shift towards greater engagement with Myanmar’s junta, the regime itself shows no signs of changing its fundamental approach to its opponents, which is that they must all be crushed or brought to submission. For all its attempts at international rehabilitation, the military understands that its real claim to power depends not on recognition abroad, but on control at home. That is why it continues its military campaigns against armed groups opposed to its rule, often targeting civilians in areas under their control in a bid to retake territory lost since the coup. Five years after seizing power, Min Aung Hlaing seems less inclined than ever to make any concession to the demands of most citizens, who want nothing more than to see some semblance of genuine democracy restored, and him removed, once and for all. The image of Suu Kyi, then, is not a sign of change. It is a signal—one the generals have sent before.

Myanmar junta plays Suu Kyi card, in return to old playbook

Successive regimes have had decades to fine tune their use of the iconic leader to advance their goal of winning legitimacy

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