Myanmar’s junta chief Min Aung Hlaing has been nominated as president in a parliamentary process that appears engineered to cement his grip on power under the guise of a transition to civilian rule.
In a vote held in the regime’s administrative capital Naypyitaw on Monday, a legislature dominated by military appointees and allies of the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) selected the 69-year-old general as president, completing his long-anticipated shift from commander-in-chief of the armed forces to head of state.
Under the military-drafted constitution, the bicameral parliament nominates two presidential candidates, while military representatives—who hold 25 percent of parliamentary seats—nominate a third. Of the three candidates, the one receiving the highest number of votes becomes president, while the other two assume vice-presidential roles.
During Monday’s session, the lower house nominated Min Aung Hlaing as a presidential candidate, while the upper house selected Union Solidarity and Development Party lawmaker Nang Ni Ni Aye.
The move comes five years after the military seized power in a coup that saw elected leaders, including Aung San Suu Kyi, imprisoned and democratic institutions dismantled.
Despite its new name, the new administration constitutes a continuation of direct military rule behind a civilian institutional façade.
The transition follows months of preparation by the junta, including widely criticised elections that excluded Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy and other major political parties. Polling was also limited to parts of the country under junta control.
The resulting parliament is stacked with former military officers and loyalists, ensuring that legislative authority remains aligned with the junta leadership.
Two former generals had already been chosen to serve as the speakers of the upper and lower houses of parliament earlier in the month. Former national police chief and junta cabinet minister Khin Yi was elected speaker of the Pyithu Hluttaw, the lower chamber, on March 16, and Aung Lin Dwe, a key player in the 2021 coup, was appointed speaker of the Amyotha Hluttaw, the upper chamber, days later.
Despite shedding his military uniform and stepping down as commander-in-chief, Min Aung Hlaing is expected to retain decisive influence over the armed forces. Sources indicate that he will be replaced by a handpicked successor and that key positions throughout the government, parliament, and ruling party will also be filled by figures closely tied to him.
Among those tipped for senior roles in the ostensibly civilian government is Nyo Saw, a former army general expected to serve as vice president.
The junta has established additional new mechanisms to preserve military control. A recently created body, the Union Consultative Council, is expected to be chaired by Min Aung Hlaing and to oversee critical areas, including security, foreign policy, and legislation. Observers say the council effectively allows him to maintain authority over the military from outside the formal chain of command.
The regime’s efforts to manufacture legitimacy are also aimed at improving relations with foreign governments, many of which have imposed sanctions on it over the past five years.
However, the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar, a group of international experts, has described the new administration as a staged “rebrand,” with generals exchanging uniforms for civilian attire without altering the underlying power structure.
“A confected title and a costume change won’t fool anyone,” said Yanghee Lee, a member of the group, urging governments not to recognise what she called a “puppet government.”
Min Aung Hlaing’s pursuit of the presidency has spanned more than a decade. Initially expected to step aside after a single term as commander-in-chief, he remained in power through constitutional changes and ultimately seized control following the military’s defeat in the 2020 elections.
Now, with parliament under his influence and key institutions staffed by loyalists, the general has achieved his long-sought goal—while ensuring that real power remains firmly in his hands.
For many in Myanmar, however, the latest development signals not a new chapter, but the entrenchment of a system that has already plunged the country into prolonged conflict and crisis.
In protest against the coup and bloody crackdown, many young people took up arms against the regime, ushering in a civil war that shows no signs of ending. Despite recent gains in retaking lost territory, the military continues to face fierce resistance, and large parts of the country remain under the control of democratic forces and an array of ethnic armed groups.
Meanwhile, China and Russia have continued to provide both political and military support to the regime, enabling it to persist in its efforts to crush groups opposed to its rule.
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