Can conscription make the dream of Rakhine independence a reality?

On March 18, the Arakan Army (AA) officially launched its own version of the conscription system that Myanmar’s military put in place a year earlier. Called the National Defence Emergency Provision (NDEP), the system mandates that men aged 18 to 45 and women aged 18 to 35 complete two months of military training, followed by a compulsory two-year service period. The AA estimates that close to one million individuals may be eligible for conscription. The move comes as the AA continues its push to take full control of Rakhine State and expands its offensives into neighbouring states and regions. The group now controls almost the entire Rakhine coastline—from the mouth of the Naf River bordering Bangladesh to the Ayeyarwady Delta—after seizing it from the junta and establishing its own administrative system. If successful, the new conscription system will significantly hinder the junta’s efforts to halt the AA’s advances, and make it all but impossible for it to claw back lost territory. However, it is unclear whether the AA will be able to fully implement its conscription system due to various factors. While there are still many in Rakhine State who are willing to join the AA, with its promise of liberating the Rakhine homeland from Myanmar’s oppressive regime, many others are less inclined to join its forces and more likely to evade being forcibly conscripted. Arakan Army troops with armoured vehicles captured from Myanmar’s military (Photo: AA Info Desk) Exemptions—and exclusions Like the junta’s conscription law, the NDEP exempts religious workers, those medically unfit or disabled, and others granted exemptions by AA decree. It also includes provisions for temporary exemptions and shortened service periods. As an ethnic Rakhine armed group, the AA also does not expect members of some other ethnic groups to provide military service. This includes the Bamar, Indian, and Chinese communities, an anonymous AA officer told Myanmar Now. However, individuals from these groups may volunteer to join, he added. Also notably excluded are the Rohingya. AA commanders in Rakhine report that the group does not conscript Rohingya individuals. However, some Rohingya loyal to the AA are incorporated into its police force and administrative structures. Meanwhile, at least three armed groups claiming Rohingya identity are active in Rakhine State, particularly near the Bangladesh border. The AA has accused these groups—the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation, and the Arakan Rohingya Army—of collaborating with Myanmar’s military in attacks against them. The AA claims that the NDEP is necessary to protect against threats from both the “fascist junta” in Naypyitaw and “Muslim terrorist groups.” Despite these exceptions, the AA says it is striving to evolve from an ethnic armed group into a multi-ethnic force representing diverse communities in the region. In practice, this means the inclusion of both ethnic Rakhine and Chin ethnicities. (Under the classification of 135 ethnic groups that has been in place in Myanmar since 1972, the Rakhine ethnic group includes seven sub-groups—Rakhine, Kaman, Khami, Daingnet, Maramagyi, Mro, and Thet—while the Chin ethnic group comprises 53 sub-groups.) Junta troops are seen providing military training to Muslim youths in Kyaukphyu in 2024 (Photo: Western Media) Inter-ethnic cooperation Since the 2021 coup, the AA has expanded its cooperation with various non-Rakhine ethnic groups. It has trained young individuals committed to resisting the junta army and supported the establishment of local People’s Defence Force units and various smaller ethnic armed groups. Additionally, the AA has dispatched reinforcements to support the Kachin Independence Army, the Ta’ang National Liberation Army, and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army in their ongoing battles against the regime in northern Myanmar. While the AA has developed strong ties with other non-Rakhine ethnic armed groups, it faces challenges in conscripting various ethnic communities within its controlled territories. Among the areas under AA control is Paletwa Township in Chin State, with a population exceeding 100,000. Official data from 2023 indicates that about 82% of residents are Chin, while nearly 18% are Rakhine. According to the AA’s conscription policy, Chin ethnic individuals living in Paletwa are subject to mandatory service in the AA. Salai Htet Ni, spokesperson for the Chin National Front (CNF), warned that the AA’s conscription system could have more negative consequences than positive outcomes. “The CNF will not enforce mandatory conscription considering the people’s current circumstances. Acting as if total military mobilisation like in World War II is still appropriate today would cause more harm than benefit, leaving a lasting, painful impact on the Chin community,” he said. Although the CNF and the AA are both engaged in fighting the Naypyitaw regime, relations between the two groups remain strained. AA troops stationed near Muse in northern Shan State in 2024 (Photo: AA Info Desk) In April, the Chin news outlet Chin World reported, citing local residents, that the AA had been urging Chin people to participate in its military training. “The AA has been moving from village to village, urging Chin people—who are not of Rakhine ethnicity—to join their military training. They have instructed parents to recall any children currently in Mizoram. This campaign has been ongoing for three days, reaching around six villages so far, and is continuing one village after another,” one local is quoted in the report as saying. Salai Paul, general secretary of the Interim Khumi Affairs Consultative Council in Paletwa, said they would support the AA offering military training to locals if the purpose was to defend Paletwa and work toward liberating the Chin people during the fight against the military dictatorship. However, he stressed that they would oppose any deployment of local residents to other battlefronts without their consent after completing military training. “In this fight against the dictatorship, I firmly believe that everyone, not only those in Paletwa, should undergo military training without fail,” he said. AA troops are seen after capturing the town of Paletwa in southern Chin State in January 2024 (Photo: AA Info Desk) Supporters and resisters A group of people, holding the flags of Rakhine and the AA and beating traditional Rakhine drums, marched along the road. Following them were groups of young men and women marching in pairs, while onlookers standing nearby handed out branches of Tha Pyay (Eugenia) leaves and cheered them on. This scene from a township in Rakhine State depicts supporters of the AA conscription system accompanying young recruits as they set off to join the army. Kyaw Khant San from Pauktaw Township says he supports conscription, stating that he believes it is essential for the Rakhine people. “I think the Arakan Army needs to increase its number of soldiers due to expanding territories and battlefronts, which is why they implemented this conscription law to protect the local population,” he stated. A 25-year-old woman from Kyauktaw Township emphasised that all Rakhine individuals should participate in military training, as the AA is battling the junta as well as facing threats from Rohingya armed groups in the Maungdaw and Buthidaung areas. “As a young resident of this state, I am willing to join the army to defend it. I believe we need a strong military if we hope to stand independently as a liberated region,” she said. Residents report that in some villages, willing villagers draw lots to decide who will attend military training organised by the AA. In AA-controlled areas, some individuals join the army voluntarily, while others flee to avoid conscription. Those who refuse to participate in the AA’s military training or wish to avoid fighting often attempt to flee to Yangon and other cities under junta control, despite the conscription laws imposed by Myanmar’s military. Some residents reported that while the AA allows people to leave Rakhine State for medical reasons, those suspected of trying to avoid conscription are apprehended and sent straight to military training centres. “My daughter travelled to Yangon with relatives, but she was detained en route. The relatives informed us, and despite searching, we couldn’t locate her. It was only after about a month that we discovered she was at the military training school. We can visit her now, but we are unable to bring her home. They said no one is released once they arrive at the school,” said a man from Rathedaung Township. AA troops at the entrance to Mrauk-U in early January 2024 (Photo: 3BH) Rakhine pride At the entrance gate of Mrauk-U, the final royal capital of the former Rakhine kingdom, two AA flags flank the Rakhine flag above an inscription that reads: “Rakhine ancient cultural heritage of Mrauk-U.” The Rakhine people have awaited this historic moment for nearly 250 years. In 1785, during the reign of King Maha Thammada, the Rakhine monarchy ended when King Bodawpaya of the Konbaung dynasty sent his armies to overthrow the Rakhine king. Since that time, the Rakhine people have not had a country of their own. After capturing Mrauk-U in February 2024, the AA raised its flag throughout the town, including on the palace grounds of the Rakhine monarchs. A 27-year-old woman from Mrauk-U said she was “overjoyed” to witness this scene. A Myanmar Now reporter who visited Mrauk-U in June saw AA troops manning checkpoints at several road junctions, but no pedestrian inspections. AA forces were spotted patrolling in military vehicles seized from the junta army, while government and private banks remained closed. Most residents seemed to be going about their business as usual. At present, the AA is administering its territory through the Arakan People’s Revolutionary Government. In Mrauk-U, it could be seen delivering public services like water distribution and waste collection. It is also responsible for law enforcement. “They are presently handling municipal tasks and ensuring that cleaning services are carried out efficiently,” said a 26-year-old man closely connected to the AA. He added, however, that the town’s electricity supply has not yet been restored. Having taken control of most of the towns in Rakhine State, the AA aims to secure a political status equal to or greater than that of a federal state, using the self-administered Wa region as a benchmark. The United Wa State Army governs the Wa area near the Myanmar-China border with its own military and administrative systems. Although part of Myanmar, successive central governments have been unable to exert control or interfere in the region’s internal matters. AA leader Major-General Twan Mrat Naing has, at times, described the region as the “Rakhine nation” in his speeches. Similarly, in a May video interview, AA spokesperson Khaing Thu Kha referred to the areas they control as the “Arakan country.” Rakhine student leader Than Naing expressed his hope that Rakhine State would become a sovereign region, possessing administrative, judicial, and legislative authority, allowing it to freely determine its own future. “As long as we have the right to govern ourselves in these areas, we are open to choosing either a confederation or a federal arrangement,” he said. The 27-year-old woman from Mrauk-U shared her hope for a homeland governed by her own people, as it once was. She also noted that her joy is still only partial because the AA has yet to secure authority over the whole state. “I want governance to be in the hands of the Rakhine people,” she said. Whether the AA, which has taken control of Rakhine State in western Myanmar by fighting off junta forces amid widespread resistance across the country, can effectively enforce a conscription system to sustain its hold on these territories will be decided by events on the battlefield in the future.

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