As Myanmar’s war drags on, junta soldiers seek their fortunes on the frontlines

Most would regard a soldier’s life on the frontlines of a vicious conflict as one of hardship, scarcity, and constant life-threatening danger. For some in Myanmar’s military, however, it is also a way to make some easy money. While top generals and other senior brass have long enjoyed a life of luxury through corruption, rank-and-file soldiers have rarely had many opportunities to profit from their positions—until now. Increasingly, junta troops are requesting deployment to conflict zones in the hope of returning with the spoils of war, mostly seized from the homes of civilians targeted by the regime’s relentless raids on towns and villages dominated by the resistance. Everything from cash to mobile phones and jewellery—anything, in fact, left behind by locals suddenly forced to flee for their lives—is up for grabs. Especially in central Myanmar, where ground troops are more easily supported by airstrikes, the risks of wading into hostile territory are far outweighed by their potential rewards. According to a sergeant stationed in Sagaing Region, many soldiers are now actively seeking to be sent into areas that have seen some of the worst violence of the conflict ignited by the February 2021 coup, despite the widely held superstition that asking for a frontline assignment means certain death. “They know it could end badly for them, but that’s what they all want now—to be sent to the frontlines,” he said. An army of ‘bandits’ Ko Htet, a lance corporal in an armoured battalion stationed in Mandalay Region, was so keen for a chance to go straight into the war zone that, like many others, he was willing to pay a bribe for the privilege. It was about a year ago that he learned about the advantages of going to the front. He was shocked to learn that a sergeant in his unit was suddenly financially well-off after returning from his deployment, despite being heavily in debt before. For Ko Htet, a father of two earning less than 300,000 kyat (about US$65) a month, the newfound wealth of those returning from the frontlines was a source of envy. In his more than 10 years in the military, he had never seen anything like it. After getting more information, he asked to be sent into battle right away, even though it wasn’t his turn. He soon got his wish, and within three months, he was able to send his wife a million kyat, a significant sum for a family of such limited means. According to a woman who once lived in the same barracks as Ko Htet and his family, the story ended in tragedy when the wife decided to use the money to buy gold—only to be killed in a traffic accident on the way to the gold shop. Junta soldiers prepare to take part in a crackdown on anti-coup protests in Yangon in February 2021 (Myanmar Now) But even such confirmation of the bad luck associated with wartime profiteering has done little to deter others from seeking lucrative frontline assignments, according to the woman. “They bring back anything they can carry or sell,” she said, describing the frenzy of activity that she witnessed among enlisted men returning to the barracks with their ill-gotten gains. Thus, while many young men in Myanmar are going to great lengths to avoid being pressed into military service under a conscription law that went into force earlier this year, those already in active duty are more eager than ever to go to war. For Kaung Thu Win, a former army captain who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement after the February 2021 coup, this situation suggests that soldiers have been reduced to little more than “bandits” in the years since the military seized power. “During clearance operations in villages, they seize any gold or money that they come across. And not just gold and cash; they take anything they can carry,” he said, describing the soldiers’ actions as “outright theft.” He added that the junta troops’ greater focus on profit-seeking at the expense of their assigned security and combat duties has contributed to the regime’s ongoing defeats. “At checkpoints, they are supposed to intercept shipments of weapons and ammunition. But they are more interested in searching logging trucks, because they can extort more money from them. This is why the army continues to face losses,” he said. ‘The people’s curse’ Widespread looting of villages has been well-documented. Videos obtained by Myanmar Now show junta troops forcing their way into locked houses, and cursing when they emerge empty-handed. “Worthless house!” shouts a disappointed soldier in one video, before turning his attention to other prospective targets. Then, after everything of value has been extracted, the marauding regime forces reduce the houses to ashes, in another hallmark of the junta’s war on all opposed to its rule. “I have seen them breaking into houses and taking things,” said Lt-Col Thet Aung, a junta officer taken prisoner by anti-regime forces in January, acknowledging the behaviour of troops under his command. But rather than attribute this “lack of discipline” to the junta’s well-known disregard for the rights of civilians, he blames it on the soldiers themselves, noting that many are of low social class and have only a basic level of education. Increasingly, however, the military has had to call on some of its best-trained personnel, including doctors and engineers, to join the rank-and-file troops on the frontlines due to its difficulties in recruiting new soldiers amid a rising casualty rate. For those who have already seen their usual six months of active duty extended indefinitely, looting opportunities are one of the few real compensations in an otherwise hopeless situation. Those with relatives in the military say the junta shows no more concern for ordinary soldiers than it does for civilians. Residents of Sagaing Region’s Khin-U Township rest after being forced to flee junta raids in 2022 (Myanmar Now) “He doesn’t care if civilians or soldiers die. All that matters to him is clinging to power,” said a member of a military family living in Naypyitaw, referring to regime leader Min Aung Hlaing. Now that soldiers are routinely separated from their families for extended periods of time—often for a year or more—it is not uncommon for them to lose touch completely, said a relative of a soldier from an army battalion based in Bago Region. “We have no way of knowing if they are dead or alive, or if they have joined the resistance. Many of us in the army are in the same situation,” said the family member. If a soldier goes missing for more than six months, it also means that his family no longer has the right to remain in the army barracks, he added. This includes family members forced to act as unpaid guards at bases or for junta troops on the march. For the woman who lived at the same barracks as Ko Htet, the situation facing military families was “discouraging.” She said that after her husband, a sergeant, was sent to the frontlines, she decided to move back to her parents’ home. She added that she also told her husband not to take people’s property, and to avoid personally setting fire to homes, even if he couldn’t refuse orders during his frontline deployment. The fate of Ko Htet’s family was a warning, she said, of what she called “the people’s curse,” as anger at Myanmar’s military—not only its leaders, but also those who do their bidding for their own gain—continues to grow.

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