Disputes among anti-junta ethnic armed groups continue in northern Shan State

Since seizing broad swathes of northern Shan State from the Myanmar military last year, anti-junta armed groups have repeatedly become embroiled in disagreements over the captured territories, according to local sources and a complaint letter from one of the groups. The organisations involved in the disputes include the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the two members of the Brotherhood Alliance operating in the state: the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA). Except for the border town of Muse, the two northern Shan State-based members of the Brotherhood Alliance now exercise control over virtually all territory in the state north of the Mandalay-Muse union highway and the towns of Lashio, Hsipaw, Kyaukme, and Nawnghkio. During the Brotherhood Alliance’s Operation 1027 offensive against the Myanmar military, which lasted from late October 2023 through early January 2024, the TNLA took over the state’s Namhsan, Manton, Namkham, Namtu, Mongngawt, Kutkai and Monglon townships. The MNDAA—colloquially called the Kokang Army—took over Hsenwi (Hseni), Kunlong, Mongko, Kyu Koke (Pang Hseng), Chin Shwe Haw, and Konkyan townships during the offensive. The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) was not directly involved in the offensive, but led its own, independent assaults on the military, clashing with junta troops in Kutkai and Manton townships as well as other areas of the state where its three brigades remain active. In addition to their alliance against the military, the TNLA, MNDAA, and KIA are all participants in the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC), a deliberative coalition with representatives from seven of Myanmar’s ethnic armed and political organisations. The four other organisations represented on the committee are the Arakha Army (AA, formerly known as the Arakan Army, the third member of the Brotherhood Alliance), the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA), and National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), also known as the Mongla Group. The TNLA’s and KIA’s confrontation over mining The TNLA addressed a letter to the FPNCC on May 31 complaining about harassment by the KIA, including attempts to recruit and collect taxes from the civilian population in areas where the TNLA claims control. The TNLA’s letter also accused the KIA of intentionally interfering with operations at the Magwibawbum mine in Manton Township, and of disrupting education and healthcare services in Manton, Namtu, and Kutkai townships, adding that these actions have repeatedly provoked tensions between the two groups. Responding to a request for comment from Myanmar Now, KIA spokesperson Col. Naw Bu said that the FPNCC had not yet communicated with the KIA concerning the TNLA’s complaint, and that the KIA’s central command has not issued any orders regarding the matter. Col. Naw Bu noted that tensions often arise among people’s grassroots organisations. “There are many areas where we have succeeded in finding common ground through negotiations. It is common for a bit of friction to occur on the front lines. However, I think this is the first instance of such a letter being sent from the central tier,” the KIA spokesperson said. When reached by phone, TNLA spokesperson Lway Yay Oo said there had been no orders from TNLA leadership regarding the matter. “So far, we have not given any instructions,” she said. “If there are any disputes between the two sides, we will convene and discuss them by political means.” Disputes regarding mining arose in April, when the KIA deployed troops to Manton Township in an apparent attempt to prevent mineral extraction by the TNLA. Tensions escalated further when the TNLA sent reinforcements to the area, according to local residents, who said that the disagreement between the groups still appears to be unresolved. “In the territories we are occupying, we have established administrative procedures in Nam Hpat Kar,” Col. Naw Bu said, referring to a populous village in Kutkai Township. “We have also established them in other areas we oversee. We refrain from interfering where other ethnic groups have authority.” While the territories where KIA claims administrative jurisdiction are known to include areas of Manton and Namkham townships, Col. Naw Bu declined to comment on the matter of the Magwibawbum mine. The mine is located within territory claimed by the KIA’s Brigade 4 and adjacent to areas where TNLA Brigades exercise control. Divided control of Kutkai Township Local media reported on June 3 that TNLA troops based at a school in Karlai village, Kutkai Township allegedly attempted to prevent students and their parents from entering the school’s campus, leading to a public quarrel. The school is reportedly under the supervision of the education department of a local civil administration connected to the KIA. Officials serving on the school’s administrative committee reportedly opened the door to the students and their parents, defying the TNLA’s alleged attempt to keep them out. TNLA spokesperson Lway Yay Oo said the incident in Karlai was a misunderstanding, and that there would be continued progress in the effort to open schools in the area. “We will endeavour to open schools throughout Kutkai,” she said. “Moreover, we will hold meetings and discussions with the public to address any misunderstandings.” In TNLA-controlled areas of northern Shan State, schools have generally operated under the supervision of the Ta’ang Land Education Council (TLEC), usually charging admission fees of 100,000 to 200,000 kyat (US $36 to $72). The TLEC’s supervisory body claims that it does not operate under the authority of the TNLA. The incident occurred against a backdrop of rising tension among all three ethnic armed groups with substantial numbers of active troops in Kutkai Township: the KIA, TNLA, and MNDAA. The KIA established a liaison office in Kutkai after the Brotherhood Alliance, led by the TNLA, took over the town from junta forces in January. KIA troops captured a major junta base near Nam Hpat Kar, Kutkai Township the same month. The next month, the TNLA allegedly removed Kachin flags that had been raised in Kutkai to commemorate Kachin Revolution Day. TNLA members also reportedly advised staff at the KIA’s liaison office against wearing military dress during the Thingyan holidays in April. Another dispute arose in April between the KIA and MNDAA—the Brotherhood Alliance’s other member group in Kutkai Township—when MNDAA fighters allegedly beat KIA personnel manning a checkpoint near Nam Hpat Kar and confiscated their weapons, according to local civilians. The groups subsequently resolved the dispute and since have maintained peaceful relations, the same local sources said. However, the Kokang and Ta’ang armed groups’ exercise of authority may cause further tensions in other areas like Mongko and Kyu Koke townships, which are home to a large community of ethnically Kachin civilians. “If they prioritise ethnicity over the needs of all residents, these conflicts will persist. An administration that neglects the needs of the people is destined to fail,” a woman living in Kutkai said, adding that she hoped for fair governance without discrimination. Other TNLA disputes Other recent incidents involving the TNLA may be signs of tension with its allies, fellow FPNCC members, and the local population. In late May, the TNLA allegedly expelled over 100 armed personnel of the SSPP/SSA stationed at a China-Myanmar border crossing near the town of Namkham. The SSPP/SSA members subsequently relocated to Muse. TNLA spokesperson Lway Yay Oo claimed that the relocation was part of a prior arrangement to which both groups had agreed, but SSPP/SSA spokesperson Maj. Sai Phone Han said there had been no such arrangement in comments to local news outlets. On April 27, MNDAA troops reportedly confiscated weapons from five TNLA fighters standing guard at an intersection in Kutkai and compelled them to leave the area. However, some local residents said that the groups later resolved the dispute without violence and that the MNDAA returned the weapons. Than Soe Naing, a political and military analyst who served as a member of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) in northern Shan State for around 20 years, said that territorial disputes are common even among allies. “There will be conflict, particularly regarding disputes over interests and tax collection. There comes a time when both members of the Brotherhood Alliance sides have to deal with territorial issues. But military conflict will not break out,” he said. In remarks delivered in February to celebrate the 63rd anniversary of the KIA’s founding, Gen. N’Ban La—the chair of the group’s political wing—said that there is no desire to resolve disputes among anti-junta armed groups by military means. The KIA is always open to resolving these matters through reasoned discussion and attention to historical context, he added.

Disputes among anti-junta ethnic armed groups continue in northern Shan State

Recent tensions among Ta’ang, Kokang, and Kachin fighters—who previously fought against the Myanmar military as allies—stem from disagreements over mining rights and other matters of territorial control and jurisdiction

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